Showing posts with label USA. Show all posts
Showing posts with label USA. Show all posts

Thursday, July 19, 2007

Nigeria Security Update #2 190707

Youths Threaten to Blow Up Shell Facility (Vanguard)

Youths of Obe community in Orhionmwon Local Government Council of Edo State have threatened to blow up the Shell flow station this weekend, should the state government fail to re-constitute the membership of the newly constituted Oil and Gas Producing Communities Commission and appoint some body from the area as the chairman.

The angry youths had last Tuesday shut down the flow station protesting the composition of the committee but with the intervention of the over one thousand mobile policemen deployed to the area by the state Police Commissioner, Mr Bala Hassan, the flow station was brought back to life against the wish of the youths.

The crisis in the area erupted after Governor Oserhiemen Osunbor sent a list of seven members and three ex-official members of the committee to the state House of Assembly for approval.
The youths insisted that as the highest oil producing community in the three oil producing Local Government Councils in the state, the area should produce the chairman of the committee.

The youths led by Prince West Ogienwonyi asserted to Vanguard in Benin, yesterday, that “because they are controlling the police and the soldiers they went and opened the flow station. But we want to say that our resolve on the issue has not changed. If by weekend and that committee is not re-constituted as we demanded, we are going to blow up the entire flow station.

“Is it because we have been keeping quiet and they think that we are fools. If one visits our community you will not know that you visited an oil producing community. They have marginalised us in infrastructural development and that is why we said we want our person to be made chairman of the commission because he knows our problems better than some body who hails from where they produce little or no oil” he argued.



New Militant Group Holds Expatriate Hostages

There is apprehension over the failing health of two expatriates currently being held hostage by a militant group at Alabeni, Ekeremor Council in Bayelsa State.

The hostages, a Bulgarian and a Scot, working for Peak Petroleum, a contracting firm to Chevron/Texaco, were abducted last Monday by some militants aboard a marine vessel, "Monipo", which was reportedly hired by the firm.

The hostages’ poor health may not be unconnected with the absence of medical facilities in the area.

Reports said the vessel was halted by armed youths who invaded the area with four speed boats. They fired several shots into the air before kidnapping the foreigners.

Already, a group, Authentic Emancipation of the Movement for Peace and Development in the Niger Delta (EMOPEND), has claimed responsibility for the abduction.

The group threatened not to release the foreigners until its demands are met.




U.S. Ambassador Pledges Support (This Day)

The United States (US) has said it would continue to stand beside Nigeria in its journey towards sustainable development and democratic governance.

US High Commissioner in Nigeria, Sir John Campbell yesterday restated his country's commitment to Nigeria Project at a briefing in Abuja, adding that the US would strengthen trade relations with Nigeria, especially in oil and gas among other common areas of interest to both countries.


Campbell seized the briefing to comment on the US visa process, stating that "our visa service have been improved by opening of our consular section in Abuja. We strive to provide the best consular service we can to all Nigerians whether dual citizens or those seeking to visit their families."

When asked to mention some areas of US-Nigerian relations, the out-going ambassador said the relationship between Nigeria and the US "is multifaceted," noting that his country "relates well with Nigeria in oil and gas."

According to him, with respect to stable economic growth and development, I would like to see our trading relationship become stronger, and more foreign investment by American companies in Nigeria.

He called on the governments to improve its infrastructure, educational system, power and communication sectors, remove trade barriers and other tarrifs in order to make Nigeria more competitive for direct foreign investments (FDIs).

He said: "Nigeria must continue to work for peace, stability and economic progress because democracy building is a never-ending process. "The United States will continue to stand beside Nigeria on its pilgrimage toward democracy. Through the US Agency for International Development, we provided fifteen million dollars for technical and other assistance with 2007 elections, and we will continue supporting both Federal Government of Nigeria and Nigerian Civil Society in strengthening electoral law, the tribunal system and the independent courts and assemblies. This is vital to build a strong nation.

"The notable economic and political reforms achieved over the past few years can be broadedened and translated into an improvement of the living standard of all Nigerians," Campbell stated.While commenting on the monumental growth experienced by Nigeria since its transition to democratic regime, Campbell assured that the US would hesitate to assist Nigeria-both in kind and cash-in such areas as education, health and investment among others.

"I have been glad to experience a growth in ties between America and Nigeria's Muslim community during my time in Nigeria. Our example is Arewa House's project to catalogue, preserve and make bettwer known Nigeria's wonderful collection of Islamic manuscripts, supported by Northwestern University, the Library of Congress and this Embassy.

"America has a significant Muslim community, and we welccome students and visitors, especially from Nigeria, and value their contribution to our culture, society and educational system," he stated.

Drwaing inference from a native America proverb common in the Sioux tribe which says with all things, in all things, we are relatives, Campbell said "this saying is apt because of the strong partnership that America has with Nigeria. Our ties are cultural, political, educational, economic financial and familial among others.

Campbell said millions of Nigerians had dual Nigerian-American citizenship, adding "millions more have their family members living in the United States."


Niger Delta in Turmoil - An Analysis (This Day)

Against a background of incessant hostage taking and communal strife borne out of poverty, concerned citizens seek elusive peace for the troubled oil-rich Niger Delta region. Abimbola Akosile reviews inputs made by various stakeholders at home and abroad on a vital process

Toddler Dimension


In the past few months, some desperate inhabitants in the Niger Delta region have resorted to kidnapping innocent citizens and returning them for ransom. Scores of expatriates from different nations of the world have suffered this fate, and some only secured their release after money exchanged hands.

However a more frightening dimension to the kidnap saga is the taking of little kids for money. Three of them who were kidnapped in recent times include 3-year old Michael Somiari-Stewart, son of a Rivers State law-maker; 2 year-old Samuel Amadi, son of Eze Francis Amadi; and 3 year-old Margaret Hill, daughter of a British father and Nigerian mother.

Although the three kids have since been released, a frightening precedent has been set, and only quick intervention can save the region from further toddler kidnapping and anarchy.

Turning Spears into Plows

In the restive Niger Delta region, aggrieved youths have been accused of hostage-taking, bank robberies and other crimes. A recent attempt to convince said youths to down their weapons in exchange for implements of peace was boosted at a reformatory home in Port Harcourt, Rivers State.

A notable attempt to find a lasting solution to the continual violence and restiveness in the Niger Delta took place in Aluu, Ikwerre Local Government Area of Rivers State; at a skills acquisition center, where youths, some aged 14, and numbering well over a hundred, gathered and camped for weeks.

Above scheme, mid-wifed by a Non Governmental Organisation (NGO) named Academic Associates Peaceworks (AAP) led by Dr. Judith Asuni, was in conjunction with various leaders of the cult groups who have resigned and are pursuing a reversal of roles they had played so that up coming youths would not fall into the vicious circle of violence.

Another aspect of the programme was to ensure that there would be elections in the Niger Delta region, to ensure emergence of credible and true leadership that would lift the region out if its current economic and infrastructural doldrums.

Above programme, an eye-opener, is a welcome development in the restive Niger Delta region. Such youth programmes, when combined effectively with government peace and developmental efforts in the region, would go a long way to clean up a previously un-conducive atmosphere; and in turn usher in an era of peaceful co-existence and rapid growth. Kudos to AAP and other concerned stakeholders.

Executive Neglect

According to Professor Julius Ihonvbere, Special Adviser on Project Monitoring and Evaluation to ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo, leadership has failed in the Niger Delta region of the country.

The activist-technocrat, while presenting a book titled "Towards an Integrated Development of the Niger Delta", which was compiled by the Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD) in Abuja, chided the Niger Delta governors (especially the out-gone executives) for not managing the resources that accrued to them for the overall benefit of the people of their states.

He said these States received over N600 billion since 1999, which they failed to channel into developmental projects. According to him, if the governors had spent at least N30 billion effectively, problems associated with the people of the Niger Delta would have been adequately solved.

Ihonvbere called on the government to put in structures at the local government levels, to help take governance closer to the people, tackle militancy in the region and resolve abject poverty.

The detailed book was compiled through research by the trio of former Executive Director of CDD, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, Miss Stella Amadi, Regional Coordinator of CDD and Ololade Bamidele. The book has six chapters and 270 pages.

To underline the vital importance of the issue of the Niger Delta, among the personalities who attended the book presentation were Dr. Tajudeen Abdulraheem, Chairman of CDD Governing Council; Dr. Kole Shettima, Africa Country Director of MacArthur Foundation; Professor Omafume Onoge; Honourables Dino Melaye and Femi Kehinde of the House of Representatives.

Others included Dr. Jibrin Ibrahim, current Director of CDD; Mr. Turhan Saleh, UNDP Representative in Nigeria; Odia Ofeimun of Association of Nigerian Authors (ANA), who reviewed the book; Mr. Waziri Adio of Nigerian Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI); Barrister Femi Falana, President of West African Bar Association (WABA); Miss Nyree Triptree of United States Embassy; and the chairperson Ms Nkoyo Toyo of Gender and Development Action (GADA).

Toward a Lasting Solution

According to Dr. Chukwuma Nwaonicha, a Nigerian living abroad, the solution to the Niger Delta crisis requires honest dialogue backed with infrastructural or public utilities developmental efforts from the stakeholders.


These include the Federal Government through the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), State and Local governments, the international and local organisations and other agencies operating in the Niger Delta region.

He claimed hostage taking and killings are wrong, and the use of force to settle the problem of the Niger Delta, a wrong agenda. "The criminal activities, including bunkering, killings, and hostage taking in the Niger Delta had become an obstacle to the development of the region. Hostage taking is no fun. It is a serious criminal act. What the militants are demanding is unrealistic goal".

He believed that if it takes over forty-six years to 'destroy or neglect' the region, it may equally take more than forty-six years to develop it. "Development does not occur overnight, and development cannot occur along side violence. Development is a gradual and continuous process", he said.

To Nwaonicha, the key factors in developing the Niger Delta region and promoting peace are good governance, enforcement of the rule of law, public trust, fairness, peace, safety and security among others.

"We strongly encourage the stakeholders; the Federal, State and Local governments to be committed in spending the resources meant for developing the region in the region. This region cannot be developed if funds budgeted for the region are not honestly used or embezzled. You can't eat your cake and have it".

He also recommended that the various governments should set-up necessary developmental goals for the region. These include short-term goal of community policing, peace initiative and conflict resolution committees, various types of job training (1 year); mid-term goals of infrastructural development (low capital intensive projects) thereby creating jobs (five years) and long-term goal of high capital intensive infrastructural development projects there by creating jobs (more than five years).

To him, the Federal, State and Local governments need to do better for the Niger Delta region and the other states in the nation; and the difference between development and destruction is awareness.

Implementing an Action Agenda

Timely adoption and implementation of a seven-point development agenda recommended in the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) 2006 Niger Delta Report would ensure desired progress in the restive region.

Agenda 1: Peace-Building

Peace in the Niger Delta has been adversely affected by militarisation of the region, lack of effective dialogue, lack of negotiation of conflict between interests, lack of access to economic benefits and opportunities, and inability to protect human lives and enforce human rights. Past efforts at addressing genuine grievances have been ad hoc and flowing top-down rather than from the communities themselves.

Recommendations

- Set up credible institutions whose membership will include interest groups and people acceptable to aggrieved communities and other stakeholders; address the issue of resource control to ensure community ownership and use of natural resources for development and environmental protection. True fiscal federalism should be practiced. In the interim, the percentage of derivation should be increased to 50 percent;

Agenda 2: Local Governance

Democratic local governance is crucial to solving the crises in the Niger Delta. The prevailing reality is that there is no participatory local governance. Both the Federal and particularly the State Governments have hampered autonomy of the local governments. Local government autonomy is therefore a key goal in the attempt at resolving the crisis in the Niger Delta. There is need to devolve power and create mechanisms to assure that local governance is transparent and accountable to the people.

Recommendations

- Provide a legal framework to ensure constitutional autonomy of LGAs as opposed to the present practice of making them just administrative third tier of government; promulgate laws to recognise and regulate Community Development Associations (CDAs) as an integral component of local governance;

Agenda 3: Economic Diversification

There is high dependence on oil and gas resources, which provide over 90 percent of the foreign exchange earnings of the country, thereby making it a monolithic economy. The oil sector has limited capacity for employment and spread of industrial development. Agriculture has been relegated to the background and food security is threatened.

Recommendations

- Encourage oil and gas companies operating in the Niger Delta to establish ancillary industries to add value and boost employment opportunities for the people of the region. Recommended areas include electricity generation, refineries, petrochemicals and others which could produce the much needed oil and gas sector-based goods and services that are still imported.


- Provide easy access to micro-credit and extension services for farmers and those engaged in agro-allied industries; create awareness and sensitise the people on the opportunities available in the agricultural and solid minerals sectors.

Agenda 4: Social Inclusion

Sustainable development in the Niger Delta has been considerably hampered by the limited involvement of women, youths, children, physically and mentally challenged and disadvantaged groups in the conception, planning and implementation development programmes.

Recommendations

- Build capacity of community institutions for participatory development with greater involvement of disadvantaged groups; provide increased access to quality education, including building structures, massive supply of science equipment and recruitment of science teachers, especially in rural/riverine communities; provide infrastructures for skill acquisition relevant to the Niger Delta, and greater access to credit facilities by disadvantaged groups;

Agenda 5: Environ-mental Sustainability

The continued degradation of the Niger Delta environment makes the path of sustainable development challenging and difficult, if not impossible to attain. Traditionally, the deltans were farmers and fishermen, hence the loss of their environment is a major threat to their traditional occupation. This has therefore denied host communities the needed sustainable livelihood opportunities and human development.

Recommendations

- Undertake a comprehensive assessment of the physical environment of the Niger Delta taking into consideration impact of oil spillage and exploration; and democratise access to environmental information; build affirmative actions for host community participation in the oil activities; enforce environmental laws and compensation regimes for the oil gas activities; and empower communities to participate in community budgeting and environmental protection measures and processes.

Agenda 6: Integrated Approach to HIV & AIDS

There is increased prevalence of HIV&AIDS in the Niger Delta attributable to poverty, limited education/ awareness, frequent job mobility, presence of oil and gas workers, military and para-military personnel and harmful traditional practices, with the most vulnerable groups being women, youths and children. It was also observed that malaria, tuberculosis and cholera are serious health issues afflicting the people.

Recommendations

- Promote behavioral change, through social mobilisation and access to information; ensure empowerment of state and local action committee on AIDS (SACA and LACA) for them to be more result-oriented in their primary mandates; increase access to comprehensive gender-sensitive preservation, care, treatment and support services for the general population, including free ant-retro-viral drugs for the people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWA), Orphans and Vulnerable Children (OVC) and mitigate HIV/AIDS impact on the people and economy;

Agenda 7: Building Partnership for Sustainable Devt

There is absence of partnership coordination in the region. In addition to the fact that oil companies' community development activities are not integrated into the mainstream development planning, international development partners also operate in the region in an uncoordinated manner. In fact, most Niger Delta states do not have database of development partners' activities in their domain. Capacity building is desirable for partnership.

Recommendations

- Establish, immediately, a unit that will coordinate partnerships in the region. Also establish project monitoring units (PMUs) in all the states of the Niger Delta region to monitor various development activities. Unlike what happens in the past, there should be a steering committee comprising of representatives of CDAs, NGOs, private sectors, religious bodies and government officials. The PMUs are to undertake the Monitoring & Evaluation of development programmes and projects based on established indicators.

Unveiling a Crisis Report

A detailed report by the International Crisis Group (ICG) claimed root causes of the Delta insurgency are well known. Violence, under-development, environmental damage and failure to establish credible state and local government institutions have contributed to mounting public frustration at a slow pace of change under the country's democracy, dogged by endemic corruption.

Nigeria had estimated oil export revenues of $45 billion in 2005 but the slow pace of systemic reforms and the lack of jobs, electricity, water, schools and clinics in large parts of the Delta have boosted support to insurgents such as MEND.

Observers warn that a worst-case scenario could lead to a one to two-year shutdown of the oil industry in the Delta, where most of Nigeria's 2.3 million daily barrels of crude oil originate, the report said.


Illegal oil 'bunkering' has accelerated the conflict and provided militant and criminal groups with funds to purchase arms. Another factor is the scale of poverty.

Community groups frequently charge that projects are derailed by bad management, compounded by corruption at local, contractor and company levels. These accusations are often difficult to judge, although several oil company officials have privately acknowledged that internal corruption is a serious problem they are trying to address. Broken promises and charges of favouritism have further soured relations between oil companies and communities.

Resolution Steps

Governments and corporations must change direction if they are to lessen the likelihood of violent meltdown in the Niger Delta. Attempts to secure energy production have too often been heavy handed, alienating large segments of the population and boosting support for militants, the report stated. While laudable attempts have been made to initiate development, many have been poorly executed or hijacked by outsiders and local elites.

Although Delta militants are responsible for their own share of the brutality, it is a symptom of a wider problem that has created a reservoir of anger against the government. Care should be taken not to reward violence or encourage copycat attacks, by merely co-opting individual militant leaders into the Nigerian elite.

The militants' demands for devolved resource control is legitimate, however, and steps should be taken to bring this about transparently, increasing oversight of elections and elected officials and allowing broad-based community structures to play a leading role in their own development.

Defusing the militant time bomb requires a commitment to negotiate with residents that goes beyond the commissions and committees of the past. There has never been a better opportunity to increase state and local resource control, according to the report.

Urgent measures are needed to promote transparency and stiffen penalties for corruption. While the Yar'Adua Government does a better job than its predecessors at opening its financial activities to scrutiny, it is not enough to reveal financial allocations to the states and localities. How that money is used is key to resolving the conflict in the embattled oil-rich region.

Monday, July 2, 2007

Nigeria Security Update #2 020707


AFRICOM'S Intentions Questioned (ISN)

By John C K Daly for ISN Security Watch (02/07/07)

As US plans for an African command (AFRICOM) operations base forge ahead, perceptions that the base's raison d'etre is to gain control over regional oil assets and counter growing Chinese influence are growing.

While Washington is proffering AFRICOM as a largely benign organization, Africans remain wary, having seen that a US military footprint in Djibouti led to operations such as Somalia, and believe that the Pentagon could not resist intervening to protect US investments in oil producing nations such as Nigeria or Equatorial Guinea if their regimes were toppled.

Unveiled on 6 February this year, AFRICOM is slated to be fully operational by 30 September 2008. In March, a transition team, including approximately 60 staff, led by Navy Rear Admiral Robert Moeller was assembled. This team will form the core of the new command.

Previously, Africa was divided between three US Unified Combatant Commands: European Command (EUCOM), Central Command (CENTCOM) and Pacific Command (PACOM). The new AFRICOM will be responsible for the entire continent, with the exception of Egypt, which will remain under CENTCOM's responsibility.

AFRICOM's designated area of responsibility also includes the Atlantic Ocean Cape Verde, the islands of Equatorial Guinea, Sao Tome and Principe, as well as the Indian Ocean Comoros, Madagascar, Mauritius and the Seychelles islands.

The unit will differ from other US military commands in that it will include diplomatic, developmental and economic staffers from the outset. The Pentagon has announced that AFRICOM's deputy commander position is being reserved for a State Department staffer rather than a military officer, and that half of the command's 200 employees will not be from the Department of Defense.

As ISN Security Watch reported in February The Defense Department defines AFRICOM's mission as to promote US strategic objectives by working with African nations and indigenous organizations to help build regional stability and security, with AFRICOM's military operations primarily focused on deterring aggression and responding to crises.

The creation of a new combatant command requires changes by the president to the Unified Command Plan classified executive document, which defines the underlying organization of US armed forces and is reviewed every two years. The 2006 review recommended the establishment of AFRICOM.

The unit's founding represents a complete reversal in Pentagon strategic thinking over the last decade. In 1995, the Department of Defense in its US Security Strategy for Sub-Saharan Africa stated: "Ultimately we see very little traditional strategic interest in Africa." The 7 August 1998 al-Qaida terrorist bombings of the US embassies in Tanzania and Kenya quickly led to the abandonment of this line of thought.

The current US military presence in Africa is about 1,800 troops, mostly at Camp Lemonier in Djibouti, established in May 2003 as part of CENTCOM's Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA), which began operating in October 2002. CJTF-HOA's US military and civilian personnel cover the land and airspace in Kenya, Somalia, Sudan, Seychelles, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti and Yemen, as well as the coastal waters of the Red Sea, the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean.

There are also a number of small training teams in such areas as the Sahel and Tamanrasset, Algeria. US troops have also helped train anti-terrorism forces in Algeria, Chad, Kenya, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Tanzania and Uganda among other countries. The US military presence in African waters is also slowly growing, most visibly with recent naval exercises in the Gulf of Guinea designed to protect oil shipments and operations off Somalia to deter piracy.

The Defense Department's strengthening focus on Africa is epitomized in the increasing revenue directed towards its "Operation Enduring Freedom - Trans Sahara (OEF-TS)." The program is designed to support Algeria, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Senegal, Nigeria and Morocco in resisting terrorism, with the revenue spent to send US troops to train with host-nation militaries and other missions. OEF-TS received US$5 million in 2005 and US$31 million in 2006, while this year's funding is US$81.7 million, and is expected to be increased to approximately US$100 million annually for 2008 through 2013, according to EUCOM statistics. OEF-TS is now under AFRICOM's supervision, along with Joint Task Force Aztec Silence, the combined arms organization assigned to implement OEF-TS' missions.

Orphan AFRICOM

The Pentagon reportedly plans to establish another dozen bases in the region; in Algeria, Senegal, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Chad, Ghana, Morocco and Tunisia.

But for now, AFRICOM remains an orphan without an African home, with Algeria and Libya rejecting the idea outright, and Morocco being distinctly cool.

The Transition Team will be housed temporarily at the US Army's Kelley Barracks in Stuttgart-Mohringen, Germany until the issue can be resolved. AFRICOM initially will be a sub-unified command, subordinate to EUCOM, also based in Stuttgart, with a projected Initial Operational Capability (IOC) by October 2007. As the Defense Department continues to search for a suitable African host country, high among its concerns is providing for the safety and security of an estimated 500 American personnel and their families who will staff the command.

Ryan Henry, principal Defense Department under secretary for policy, first toured Africa in April, visiting six African countries including South Africa, Ethiopia, Kenya and Senegal trying to drum up support for the concept. During a second round of visits earlier this month, Henry traveled to Algeria, Morocco, Libya, Egypt, Djibouti and the African Union, but to little avail.

One of the greatest fears among Africans is that AFRICOM will suffer from mission creep, moving steadily away from its humanitarian aspirations towards a more distinctly interventionist role. Such fears were heightened in January when US forces with AC-130 gunships secretly operating from Ethiopia carried out at least two air strikes in Somalia, targeting suspected al-Qaida members.

In the "frequently asked questions" section of its website, AFRICOM is clearly concerned about perceptions increasingly common in Africa that its purpose might be to gain control over regional oil assets and counter growing Chinese influence. One query asks: "Is this an effort by the United States to gain access to natural resources (e.g. petroleum)? Is this in response to Chinese activities in Africa?" AFRICOM's reply: "No."

Henry told reporters that AFRICOM's purpose was not to wage war, but "to work in concert with our African partners for a more stable environment in which political and economic growth can take place," adding that another formal round of talks on AFRICOM would take place with representatives from the UK, France and other European countries sometime in the fall.

Henry's earnestness is somewhat undercut by EUCOM commander General Bantz Craddock, who last month told journalists in Washington, "You look at West Africa and the Gulf of Guinea, it becomes more focused because of the energy situation," with the result that protecting energy assets "obviously is out in front."

Africans have also increasingly come to criticize AFRICOM. Michele Ruiters of Johannesburg's Business Day magazine wrote in a February op-ed piece that "It is necessary for Africans to oppose the expansion of US military power in Africa.[...] AFRICOM would destabilize an already fragile continent and region, which would be forced to engage with US interests on military terms," Ruiters wrote.

Commentaries in South Africa and Kenya have opined that AFRICOM was less about fostering African prosperity than it was an attempt to counter China's growing presence while securing access to African energy resources.

On 8 February, Kenya's The Nation wryly noted in an editorial that "Ironically, AFRICOM was announced as Chinese President Hu Jintao was touring eight African nations to negotiate deals that will enable China to secure oil flows from Africa."

A 12 April editorial in Zambia's The Post daily newspaper was even more blunt, alleging that AFRICOM was "aimed at influencing, threatening and warding off any competitors by using force," a direct reference to China's growing presence in Africa.

Mission creep fears

Many Africans fear that the nexus of energy, poverty and terrorism may swiftly push AFRICOM beyond its stated humanitarian objectives. The rising violence in Nigeria's Delta region may well be the rock upon which AFRICOM's humanitarian focus founders.

Since the insurgency began there in 2004, when protesting armed youths of the oil and gas region took to the creeks, violence has caused a sharp upturn in global world energy prices, with Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation sources in Port Harcourt claiming off the record that Nigeria's oil production has been reduced by nearly 40 percent because of militant activity (other sources say 25 percent).

The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) has dismissed AFRICOM, saying it smacks of typical American braggadocio "which has no place in the realism of living in today's world."

MEND militants have already succeeded in shutting off approximately 711,000 barrels per day (bpd) of Nigeria's daily output of 2.5 million bpd, nearly 25 percent of the country's exports. If a combination of militant attacks and general strikes completely paralyzed Nigerian production, it would seem rather unlikely that US military forces would sit by idly as oil shipments from America's third largest oil importer ground to a halt.

And oil is hardly the continent's sole export of interest to the Pentagon. US military sources estimate that up to a quarter of all foreign fighters in Iraq are from Africa, primarily from Algeria and Morocco. Such a connection makes it further unlikely that the Pentagon would stand by passively digging wells and building schools while passing up the chance of eliminating hard-core terrorists.

The lure of African oil

World attention must necessarily increasingly focus on African energy reserves, underlined by massive recent oil discoveries in Ghana (which is currently discussing hosting a US military base), Equatorial Guinea and Angola, all countries of rising US interest. Western oil giants including American companies ExxonMobil and Chevron, France's Total and Britain's BP and Royal Dutch Shell plan to invest tens of billions of dollars in sub-Saharan Africa over the next several years.

The US currently consumes about 20 million bpd. Last year 22 percent of US crude imports came from Africa, in comparison with only 15 percent in 2004; the rate now slightly exceeds US imports from Kuwait and Saudi Arabia.

Over the last five years US oil imports from Africa have nearly doubled. The National Intelligence Council projects that African oil imports will account for 25 percent of total US imports by 2015, primarily from Gulf of Guinea countries, Nigeria and Angola. Other estimates place the percentage as high as 35 percent for the same period. Between 2004 and 2007, African oil production climbed from seven million barrels per day (bpd) to 9.5 million bpd, and a US Department of Energy study estimates that African oil production will rise 91 percent between 2002 and 2025. In March, Nigeria, Africa's largest oil producer, overtook Saudi Arabia as the third largest oil exporter to the US.

The region's surging oil production is occurring amid rising social tension, most notably in Nigeria. West Africa remains the most poverty stricken region in the world, with 23 West African nations sitting on the bottom of the UN human development index on poverty despite rising energy revenues.

Despite its rising prominence in US energy imports, Nigeria's continuing instability has had a marked impact on global prices. World oil rates rose above US$60 per barrel in April 2007 after Nigeria held elections widely dismissed as fraudulent and again in May 2007 after attacks on pipelines in the Niger Delta.

Despite such fluctuations, increasing focus on African energy reserves is inevitable. In his 2006 State of the Union address, President George W Bush announced his intention "to replace more than 75 percent of our oil imports from the Middle East by 2025." It is difficult to see how such a goal could be achieved without a massive increase in African oil imports.


Shake Up In Police (Daily Champion)

Few weeks after the Inspector-General of Police, Sir Mike Okiro promised to flush out corrupt police officers, a major shake up has been effected in the police hierarchy, with 35 police commissioners changing positions.

Force Public Relations Officer, Commissioner of Police Haz Iwendi, who was not affected in the shake-up in a statement, said the IGP carried out the operational changes to invigorate the crime-fighting capabilities of the police.

According to him, Okiro, in a strongly worded letter, "charged the affected officers to fight all forms of criminality and corruption".

Under the new arrangement, CP Mohammed Abubakar, who was the CP, Airport, will now man the Lagos Police Command, while Audu Abubakar, who was in Imo state was moved to the Airport as new helmsman.

Alhaji S. D. Faki, who was in Osun state, is now to report to the Force Headquarters as Deputy Force Secretary. Johnson Uzuegbunam, who was the CP at Force Headquarters, is to move to the Nigeria Ports Authority, while Bashiru Azeez, who was in Lagos, is to move over to Enugu.

Female CP, Elizabeth Ayo-Eremie, who was at the FHQ is to move over to the Special Duty Unit, while Saleh Abubakar, who was in Jigawa is to move over to Nasarawa State.

Abayomi Onashile, who was in Abia State is now CP in Ekiti state, while Charles Akaya, Deputy Force Secretary is now in charge at Plateau, and Mohammed Yesufu, CP Bauchi will move over to Kano state.

Emmanuel Ezeozue, Commandant, Police Staff College, Jos, will move over to Niger state as CP, just as Emmanuel Adebayo, who moved from Lagos to Nasarawa is now redeployed to FHQ Administration Department.

Samuel Adekunle, who was in Kogi state is moved to become the Force Provost Marshal, while Innocent Ilozuoke, who was in Ondo state will move over to Cross River State.

Mr. Udom Ekpoudom, who recently moved over to Lagos briefly and left for Benue as crime burster, is now moved to Oyo State, the same way as Adanaya Gaya, the Bakassi CP in Anambra before moving over to Ebonyi is to report to Bauchi as crime burster.

Donald Iroham, who was in FHQ, is now moved to Imo State, while Mohammed Zareqa, Police Provost Marshal is now CP in Zamfara State.

Abubakar Mohammed, who was at FHQ is now moved to Jigawa state. Similarly, Ibrahim B. Ahmed, who was in the same place as Abubakar, is now to head Kwara State.

Danlamin Yar'Adua, who was the crime burster in Cross River State has been moved to Borno state, while Paul Iseghohi, who was in Niger is moved to Abia State.

Another female CP, Juliana Iroha, who was at the Force Criminal Investigation Department (FCID) is now moved to Ebonyi state, while Ibezimako Aghanya, who was in Ekiti state is now in Kogi state.

Mr. Ibiyinka Kayode, who was in Plateau has been moved to Benue state, while Shehu Babalola, who was in Borno state has been transferred to Ondo, the oil rich state.

John Moronike, who was part of the FCID, is now moved to Osun state, while Bukar Maina, also in Kwara is to be at the FCID.

Atiku Fakur, who was in Kano has been moved over to become the CP Homicide, while Charles Dawudu, who was in Enugu, the coal city state, is also transferred to the FHQ Admin Department.

Calistus Anuide, who was in the Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), is also at the Admin B Department, while Sani Magaji, who was at the FHQ, has been moved to be the new CP Welfare.

Kefas Gadzama, who was in Zamfara is now CP SARS, while his colleague, Jonathan Johnson, who was in Oyo state, is now Commandant of the Police College, Oji river in Enugu state, just as Mr. Ephraim Amakulor, who was at FHQ is now CP Admin C Department.

Price of Machetes Drops in Nigeria Since Elections (Reuters)

The price of machetes has halved in parts of Nigeria since the end of general elections in April because demand from thugs sponsored by politicians has subsided, the state-owned News Agency of Nigeria reported.

NAN surveyed prices in the northeastern state of Gombe and found that a good quality machete was now selling for 400 naira ($3) compared with 800 naira before the elections, which were marred by politically motivated violence in many states.

"A price survey on machetes, which served as a popular weapon among political thugs in the state, indicated ... a drop in the price of the implement," NAN reported over the weekend.

Machetes are primarily used as a tool for farming in Nigeria but they are also popular among political gangsters.

"Before the conduct of the general elections, I was selling a minimum of seven machetes daily but can hardly sell one a day now," said Usman Masi, a trader quoted by NAN.

Africa's most populous country returned to civilian rule in 1999 after three decades of almost continuous army rule but violence remains a feature of politics, especially during the build-up to elections.

European election monitors estimated that at least 200 people were killed in politically motivated violence during months of campaigning ahead of the April polls.